Another Somalia and Mali Brews in Africa as Central African Republic Degenerates

Since the overthrow of Francois Bozize in Central African Republic, the country has continued to degenerate in all facets. Recently, the Health Minister decried the mammoth cases of cholera killing people, children mostly and called for international help and support. Apparently, it fell on deaf ears especially as the body which mattered most, the AU has done nothing concrete so far. The AU only usually sever relations with government taken forcefully without attending to any humanitarian concern or need.

Report from Reuters revealed that at least 55 people were killed in clashes over the weekend between gunmen loyal to Central African Republic's former president and the ex-rebels who ousted him. A government spokesman accused fighters loyal to former President Francois Bozize of trying to retake power. The gunmen were not immediately available for comment but clashes took place around Bossangoa, in his home region, about 300 km (185 miles) north of the capital.

The fighting on Saturday and Sunday comes after a UN warning that the country is on the brink of collapse. The former French colony has slipped into chaos since northern rebels captured the capital Bangui in March, over-running South African troops protecting Bozize. "The defence forces lost five men, and there have been more than 50 killed among the assailants and civilians," said Guy Simplice Kodegue, a spokesman for Michel Djotodia, the country's new president, who was swept to power by the Seleka rebels.

A commander in the FOMAC African peacekeeping force said at least 60 people had been killed and the situation was chaotic.The former rebels have been accused by residents, UN officials and non-governmental organizations of a wave of killings and abuses that Djotodia has struggled to control. "Houses were burnt, people were burnt alive including children, women, and old people who had nothing to do with the fighting. It is really disgusting," Kodegue said, referring to the fighting at the weekend.

Bozize, who fled to neighboring Cameroon, told French media in Paris last month that he still nurtured ambitions of returning to power. The peacekeeping force confirmed pro-Bozize gunmen were involved but said little other information was available. Crepin Mboli-Goumba, a spokesman for the government, accused Bozize of coordinating the attacks over the weekend and appealed for an international intervention to restore order.

"It is an attempt by Bozize and his supporters to take power," he said. "Six towns have been taken. This shows Seleka does not control the situation so we call on the international community to mobilize (peacekeepers) so they can intervene." It was not possible to contact Bozize for comment or locals to confirm if the towns had been retaken.

Central African Republic: Another Somalia Brewing on the African Continent

To passionate Africans or any keen observer whatsoever, the question of why always Africa will be an hourly one going by all sort of obnoxious events and queasy news coming out of the continent in consequential fashions. Africa has the African Union which at best is saddled with the responsibility of making the continent a safe haven for all. This body is somehow always showing greater signs of ineptitude during crises. Dangerous situations that usually should have been tackled from the root and headlong before they degenerate into cataclysmic events are mostly left to fester on till they almost and most times become insurmountable.

Central African Republic began gradually and the AU was almost nowhere to be found except when it suspended the country which has now become its tradition. Recently in Central African Republic, Red Cross medical workers' lives were endangered with the villagers bolting in panic upon sighting rebels brandishing machetes and AK47 assault rifles who came out from the bush like traditional masquerades. The landlocked former French colony is one of the poorest places on earth and has been plunged into chaos since the Seleka rebels seized power from President Francois Bozize about four months ago, triggering a humanitarian crisis. Just like Rwanda with no oil, it is ignored by the West.

The African Union decided to boost a small regional peacekeeping mission (CEMAC) into a 3,600-strong force in the third week of July after the country had long been degenerating. The decision came after Seleka gunmen killed 15 people in Bangui on July 13 when their truck was found to contain T-shirts supporting Bozize. The bodies of seven victims were found floating in the Ubangi river.

Since independence from France in 1960, Central African Republic like most African countries has been trapped in a cycle of coup after coup. France's military has intervened in the country than anywhere else in Africa, supporting successive military strongmen including self-proclaimed Emperor Jean-Bedel Bokassa from 1966 to 1979. Though France hid under the guise of President Francois Hollande's keenness to end France's meddling in its former colonies, hence, French soldiers did not act to stop Seleka toppling Bozize but CAR just like in cases where no oil or uranium or any other vital resources exist, has nothing to offer France unlike Mali and Niger. The only interest France has is to secure Bangui airport. It will serve the purpose of express evacuation if need be.

With the country outside the capital Bangui in the grip of rebel warlords, many aid groups and UN agencies have pulled out, leaving its 4.5 million inhabitants to fend for themselves. Rebel Colonel Issene Yaya, who confronted the Red Cross workers in the remote northern village of Ouata-Nata, had come to collect protection money from local chiefs and to lay down the law. Yaya was furious the Red Cross had not recently visited Ouandago, 10 km (6 miles) from Ouata-Nana, where the rebels had made their base according to Reuters.

"You, Red Cross people...I could make you pay a dear price at the end of my gun barrel for your behaviour," Yaya told the aid workers in the local language Sango. Behind him, his camouflage-clad fighters, wearing protective magical charms, chatted in Arabic, the tongue of neighbouring Sudan and eastern Chad. After delivering an ultimatum to Ouata-Nana's mayor for four local chiefs to bring 800,000 CFA francs ($1,600) to them the next day, the rebels disappeared, leaving the village deserted.

Central African Republic has porous borders which give Arabic-speaking marauding raiders, poachers and soldiers of fortune from neighbouring Chad and Sudan to prey on the countryside over the years. Seleka means 'alliance' in Sango and it is a coalition of five rebel groups. It launched its uprising after Bozize failed to honour the terms of a previous power sharing deal. Many northerners resented Bozize, who seized power in a 2003 coup, for surrounding himself with his own Gbaya tribesmen.

"What sin, what wickedness did we do for God to reserve this fate for us?" asked Marie Loana, a 72-year-old woman outside her hut in Ouata-Nana, empty after her family fled into the bush. After the March 24 rebel takeover, Seleka's leader Michel Djotodia was named interim president of Central African Republic in a deal brokered by regional powers intended to lead to elections in 18 months. But he has failed to prevent his troops, many of whom are Muslims from Chad and Sudan, from committing atrocities against the Christian population.

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) says rebels have killed at least 400 people and carried out dozens of rapes since seizing power. It qualifies this as war crimes. With health services across the country close to collapse, medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres has accused the international community of turning its back on the country. The fighting has displaced 206,000 people inside Central African Republic and pushed 55,000 refugees across its borders.

"We have to appeal to the conscience of the world to help these people living in some of the worst conditions on earth," EU Commissioner for international cooperation Kristalina Georgieva said during a visit this month to the country. "Unless the state returns, this risks turning into a new Somalia, where local warlords control the country," Reuters report. "All seven bodies showed signs of torture. Some of the men had their genitals cut off, their eyes gouged out ... It was really an atrocity," said Joselin Likomba, a Red Cross worker. Security has improved somewhat inside the chaotic capital this month, following months of looting and killings, after Seleka fighters were ordered off the streets unless patrolling jointly with the CEMAC regional force.

"Seleka fighters are committing crimes with total impunity," FIDH said in a report, estimating the group's ranks had swollen from 5,000 at the time of the coup to some 20,000 fighters. "In the provinces, where Seleka holds power and the state does not exist, there is no justice." The European Union, the country's largest humanitarian donor, has so far pledged 20 million euros ($26.5 million) to stabilize the country, hoping this will bring aid groups back. "The very presence of humanitarian organizations can be a deterrent to looting, killings and rape," said Georgieva, who held long talks with Djotodia in Bangui. "It is not clear he understands how to get a grip on security in his country."

The humanitarian situation may be about to worsen as terrified villagers flee deep into the forests, scavenging for food, meaning they are missing the planting season. Malnutrition rates, already double those of last year, are poised to leap. In Ouata-Nana, only one of the village chiefs appeared to pay Yaya 50,000 CFA. Two others fled to Chad while the fourth headed south with his family to Bangui. "They will kill us if we don't pay," said one of the chiefs, Paul Idamba. "Our life here is torture. It is hell."

The United States Boosts its Military Presence in Africa

The US military presence in Africa is on the rise yet still relatively calm and esoteric; striking Islamist militants with drones, supporting African forces in stabilising Somalia and Mali and deploying dozens of training teams. Its presence remains mostly low key, barely mentioned in the context of President Barack Obama's visit this week to Africa.

Nevertheless, with some 4,000-5,000 personnel on the ground at any given time, the United States now has more troops in Africa than at any point since its Somalia intervention two decades ago according to Reuters. That ended in humiliation and withdrawal after the 1993 "Blackhawk Down" debacle in which 18 U.S. soldiers died.

The build-up of US military presence is due to seemingly two main reasons; al Qaeda and China. It wants to stem the tide of the rising influence of Islamic insurgency and other militant groups as well as win influence in a continent that could become an increasingly important destination for American trade and investment as China's presence grows in Africa.

Obama's week-long African tour will focus on military and security issues apart from food security and democracy. He is expected to douse fear that the US is militarising Africa for its own benefits shrouded in the war against terror. In the Horn of Africa, the vast majority of US forces deployed in Africa are at a major French military base in Djibouti, a tiny country sandwiched between northern Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Experts reveal the military base has provided a staging post for occasional special forces deployments and drone and air attacks against Islamist militant targets in Somalia. However, US officials have refused to comment. The base was also allegedly instrumental for NATO's operations in Libya.

The US views its military presence in Africa as key in a continent where China is rapidly expanding and has surpassed the United States in terms of trade relations in Africa. China has huge investment in mining, energy and infrastructure and also a key ally of Sudan's President, Omar al Bashar which of course has always bolstered him against the West.

US officers believe its limited military missions have gone a long way in reducing initial African scepticism over Germany-based AFRICOM, set up in 2008 to bring all US military activities in Africa under one unified command, rather than dividing responsibility between commanders in Europe, the Middle East and Asia.

"We are focusing on building human capital," says Major General Charles Hooper, head of strategy and plans at AFRICOM. "The smaller missions can be some of the most effective when it comes to gaining trust."

In Angola, Namibia, Democratic Republic of Congo and elsewhere, US engineers have helped train local counterparts in landmine clearance. In southern Africa, military medics have helped local armies tackle HIV infection while in Mauritania, the focus has been on veterinary aid to local ranchers.

US warships combating piracy off both East and West Africa are increasingly frequent visitors to local ports. One US aim is to convince African militaries their interests are best served by remaining democratically accountable and not interfering in politics.

Some operations, however, have hit just that problem. The hunt in Central African Republic for Ugandan warlord and head of the rebel Lord's Resistance Army Joseph Kony has largely been suspended following a March coup in CAR.

The anti-LRA mission had been the only one in Africa in which combat troops were deployed, involving just over 100 US special forces personnel. US forces continue to train Ugandan and other armies as part of that operation.

Critics in Africa complain Washington's approach to the continent has become increasingly militarised and focused on counterterrorism. Others worry US military clout may ultimately be used to seize resources. Administration officials disagree and point to Obama's visit as evidence of US intentions.

"This trip ultimately disproves the notion that we're somehow securitising the relationship with Africa," Deputy National Security Adviser Ben Rhodes told a conference call last week. "This trip is expressly devoted to trade and investment, democratic institution-building, young people and unleashing economic growth through some of our development priority."

In general, US forces have only been able to operate when African governments - or sometimes France, which maintains a network of bases in former colonies - allow them to. Permission can be quickly withdrawn for political reasons. The United States still treads carefully in Somalia, the scene of a serious reverse in 1993 when militia fighters killed 18 Americans on a mission to capture a Somali warlord in support of a UN mission.

US officials say there are often one or two US liaison officers deployed inside Somalia helping African Union forces fight Islamist group al Shabaab - which is linked to al Qaeda - on behalf of Somalia's transitional government. Most of the US support for the African Union mission AMISOM remains outside the country, training forces in Kenya, Uganda and elsewhere.

It is a similar picture on the other side of the continent, where the US military is also acting primarily in support of local nations and France. The aftermath of the 2011 Libya war has seen a flood of weapons and militants across the Sahel, fueling the rise of al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb which briefly captured much of northern Mali before a French offensive there earlier this year.

The US Air Force provided much of the transport for both African and French reinforcements in Mali, while US air tankers from RAF Mildenhall in England have flown long missions over the Sahara refuelling French combat jets. Some 100 US personnel deployed to Niger to set up a drone base. Unlike in East Africa, however, the drones will be unarmed and used only for reconnaissance to track Islamist militants like Boko Haram in Nigeria.

The US and African officials say Washington has long been reluctant to share its most sophisticated intelligence with African partners, in part over worries it might fall into the wrong hands. African officers say that if they are to be truly effective at fighting militants in their own countries and as part of broader Mali-type missions, they need to know as much as possible about rebel movements, locations and plans.

"The Americans are our friends - but often they are friends who are not frank," says former Senegalese army chief Mansour Seck, also an ex-ambassador to Washington. "They have a tendency to ask you what you have but will not tell you what they have."

Mali and the Return of Mass Unrest in Africa: Remembering Kwame Nkrumah

The various resurgent unrest in Africa in both Sudan and South Sudan, attempted coup in Eritrea, lack of peace in DR Congo, rebel movement in Central African Republic, Islamists in Mali, Somalia and Algeria, Boko Haram in Nigeria and in other numerous flash-points around the continent remind one of nothing than the exertions of Nkrumah towards building a formidable continent and his predictions just as accurate as they are happening now.

The Osagyefo (Kwame Nkrumah) in the independence era of Africa; 1960, worked tirelessly across Africa preaching the gospel of a united and unified Africa. He postulated that Africa is not yet fully independent till she can control her destiny economically. Nkrumah strive for an Africa with a global voice. His actions were hinged on the creation of a United States of Africa with a United African Government backed militarily by an African High Command.

The African High Command will be a standing and standby force responsible for checking any heinous, nefarious and nauseous activities of saboteurs and rebels. The African High command will be a readily available force to be deployed. The failure of ECOWAS to act fast in Mali, AU's obfuscating mission in Somalia and Sudan are cases that proved the neglected sagacity of Nkrumah right.

The rationale for this was emphasised. He stated that Africa shall be consumed by smaller wars due to the numerous arbitrary borders created by the departing Europeans. They succeeded in establishing a 'keg of destructive explosive missiles' meant to be detonated continuously to ensure and preserve Western agenda on the continent. Nigeria and Liberia were two countries that stood against the futuristic wisdom of Nkrumah cogently and they are reaping from the sabotage anyway.

The Osagyefo was accused of pursuing a programmme for personal benefits because Ghana seemed sound as at then having got independence earlier. One wonders what difference exists in getting independence three years earlier. The foundation he laid in Ghana in making the country a unified whole without tribal tones represents the pillar for Ghana's advancement today. Those countries who stood against a united Africa's mission are today in abject poverty and unrest.

Most African leaders abhor unity because of greed. The lack of trust they display all the time is to ensure nothing tampers with their greed and avarice. Their corrupt personal gains are above the continent's glory and advancement.